Isidro Maya Jariego: Redes Sociales - LRPC (Laboratorio de Redes Personales. y Comunidades)

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30 Mayo, 2007 por Isidro Maya Jariego

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MULTIPLICA la micro-financiación, RESTA trabajo infantil (17/10/2014)


#crowdfunding

Hemos lanzado una campaña de financiación colectiva (crowdfunding) para el proyecto “Comunidades contra el trabajo infantil en Lima (Perú)“. Con el lema “MULTIPLICA la micro-financiación, RESTA trabajo infantil” pretendemos poner en marcha una iniciativa que promueve el acceso a la educación obligatoria y desarrolla las competencias personales de los niños en riesgo social en tres distritos de Lima: Villa el Salvador, San Juan de Lurigancho y San Juan de Miraflores. Este proyecto reproduce los componentes psicoeducativos del programa Edúcame Primero Colombia y los complementa con acciones de preparación comunitaria con las familias y los barrios de referencia.

Redes hispanas en EUSN 2014 (01/07/2014)

Jimmy Pons

Jimmy Pons

Hoy se celebra la sesión “el desarrollo del análisis de redes sociales en Latinoamérica” en el primer congreso europeo de redes sociales EUSN2014.

La mesa hispana examina el caso de los cinco países latinoamericanos en los que se ha dado un mayor desarrollo del análisis de redes sociales (ARS) en las últimas décadas: Argentina, Brasil, Chile, Colombia y México. Son también los países con mayor producción de artículos científicos en Latinoamérica y los cinco con mayor volumen de publicaciones en la Revista REDES.

Las cinco crónicas ponen de manifiesto un proceso paulatino de consolidación:

El recorrido por los cinco países latinoamericanos ofrece un panorama diverso. México es un eje central de las redes hispanas, con la mayor concentración de investigadores en la región. La crónica de México incluye una de las notas históricas interesantes, con la referencia a un estudio de las redes de internos de prisiones que había pasado desapercibido en el registro histórico del área. Brasil se caracteriza por la diversidad temática y el predomino de usos descriptivos, mientras que en Chile se ha producido un amplio desarrollo de la consultoría aplicada. En Colombia se ha dado una expansión significativa en los últimos 6 años, en torno a los núcleos de Barranquilla, Bogotá y Medellín. Argentina se ha caracterizado por la preocupación por problemas sociales y el debate sobre la pertinencia de la metodología.

La revista REDES recoge las intervenciones de la mesa hispana en un monográfico que puede consultarse, de norte a sur, a continuación:

El volumen se cierra con un relato biográfico de Jorge Gil Mendieta y el impulso del IIMAS de la UNAM a las redes en español:

  • Semblanza de Jorge Gil Mendieta [pdf]

De dónde vienen las relaciones (23/06/2014)

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Gordon Ross (CC BY-NC-ND 2.0)

En el volumen de junio de la revista REDES publicamos una traducción del artículo de Michel Grossetti “¿De dónde vienen las relaciones sociales? Un estudio de las redes personales en el área de Toulouse (Francia)”.

El estudio se inspira en la investigación de Fischer (1982) en California sobre los contextos para la formación de relaciones: To Dwell among Friends. Los resultados indican que la mayor parte de las relaciones se originan en círculos sociales, como la familia o las organizaciones. Con el tiempo las relaciones se vuelven cada vez más independientes de los contextos en los que se han originado (se desacoplan), ganando vida propia.

Abstract. Una de las ideas fundamentales del análisis estructural es que, a fin de comprender las estructuras sociales, es necesario partir de las relaciones. Sin embargo, ¿de dónde vienen las relaciones? Un estudio de las redes personales en el área de Toulouse (Francia) nos permite demostrar la importancia de los círculos sociales en la génesis de las relaciones diádicas.

Palabras clave: Relaciones – Familias – Grupos – Círculos.

Aquí podéis acceder a mi traducción:

  • Grossetti, M. (2014). ¿De dónde vienen las relaciones sociales? Un estudio de las redes personales en el área de Toulouse (Francia). REDES, Revista Hispana para el Análisis de Redes Sociales, 25 (1). [pdf]

En el número de diciembre también se pueden consultar trabajos sobre la red de los gobiernos del PP y el PSOE en España o sobre el programa informático Lugares diseñado por Narciso Pizarro.

Questions and answers in Budapest ICCR-Foundation (10/06/2014)

Ivan Emelianov (CC BY-NC-ND 2.0)

Ivan Emelianov (CC BY-NC-ND 2.0)

Today we have given a workshop on network analysis and migration studies at The Interdisciplinary Centre for Comparative Research in the Social Sciences (ICCR) – Budapest Foundation. The presentation focused on chain migration, psychological acculturation and the distribution of personal relationships between different social spaces. This is a summary of some of my answers to the questions asked by participants.

1. What is the advantage of the network approach compared to others in migration research? What kinds of problems and questions have evoked this method? What are the potential advantages of this method?

  • Network approach focus on relationships and social interaction and thus allows the detection of emergent structural properties and dynamics. As the meaning of analytical information is not intuitive to individuals, answers are less influenced by social desirability.
  • However, obtaining network information is time-consuming, and very often respondents are tired after providing a long list of alteri or when completing exhaustive matrices. Fieldwork and survey application tend to be difficult, as we need both to formulate questions and reach respondents exhaustively.
  • Network analysis has been criticized for being merely descriptive. However, it has the potential for translating acculturation or other relevant concepts in relational terms.

2. What kind of methodological (and other) problems will the researcher face if he would like to investigate the social network of immigrants? What kind of difficulties is he to meet on the field?

  • As we mentioned during the workshop, the basic problems to cope in the study of immigrant groups are community delineation, entering the community, accessibility, capturing heterogeneity of cases, and assuring cultural, linguistic and scalar equivalence.
  • Some individuals may be reluctant to participate and/or to provide personal information, because they are undocumented, don’t trust scientific research, or they feel uncomfortable with an analytical approach. Also it is usually difficult to reach socially isolated people.
  • For immigrants the social space is divided between the country of origin and the receiving country, between the expatriate community and host individuals. This make more difficult obtaining a reliable list of alteri. For instance, sometimes people just don’t mention people that are not present in the country. That’s the reason because we need to be explicit about the limits to mention alteri. For instance, if we are looking for active support providers or any type of contact to which we could turn or activate in case of need.
  • Psychological research on social support has shown that is relatively frequent not to mention the most relevant actors as support providers (as partners, in some cases); or to refer to groups as providers of social support.

3. What kind of boundaries does social network analysis have? What do you –as a psychologist- think: how well does social network analysis alone show the level of integration. Is it necessary or worth of using other means of research as well?

  • I think it is a surprisingly good approach. Although I recommend combining it with other methods, as when we derive narratives or biographical information from the visualizations of personal networks. Biographical interviews based in visualization feedback work pretty well for that aim.
  • Anyway, network description is more useful when it is incorporated in a theoretical context as a tool to evaluate integration.
  • In any case, it depends on the facet of integration you want to describe: social embeddedness, access to resources, accommodation to the new country or sense of community, for instance.

4. What kinds of questions are effective when mapping someone’s ego-network?

  • We have had a positive experience with social support questions. Most of our studies with immigrants are based in a modified version of the Arizona Social Support Interview Schedule (ASSIS), which evaluates emotional support, tangible support, advice, positive feedback, instrumental help and companionship.
  • One of the advantages of using different generators is that it allows to study multiplexity and diverse types of relationships developed with the alteri.
  • Recently we have tried to ask also about support in the context of travelling and visits (meetingness or co-presence seems to be somehow relevant for mobile people).
  • In our experience, the limitation of naming a fixed number of alteri is also productive for comparisons and standardisation (McCarty’s approach). We have combined a multiple social support generator with a fixed number of alteri.

5. What do you think of the following name generator: “If you would want to organize a big Latin American fiesta in Budapest, how would you do it? Whom can you rely on?”

  • I think it is useful to obtain a relevant list of names. It is clear and specific, so it probably provides valid and reliable information.
  • The question focuses on instrumental support, which is usually a type of support very dependent on the expertise and resources of specialized providers.
  • Also if the content refers to a Latin American fiesta, this could be inducing to name members of the same group.

6. How can individual personal networks and complex life stories be related to existing typologies? I mean, after an interview, how can I tell that this person belongs to a “transnational” or “isolated” or “central”, etc, category?

  • As in psychometric research, we could use theoretical definitions or empirical indicators to classify respondents.
  • In our experience it is useful, as well as valid and reliable, to build up typologies from the data. Cluster analysis may be a very effective tool, where categories are partly discovered (based in data) and partly constructed (based in theories).
  • On the other hand, typologies are theoretically efficient and pretty adequate to network data, where different dimensions are mutually dependent. Whereas it is difficult to observe intergroup differences if you only take into consideration isolated variables (indicators), the distribution of typologies is a useful way of observing significant patterns in the data.
  • Meta-representations are also being explored as a new way to summarize information and to identify patterns.

7. How can we handle time? From our experience insofar, it seems that migrants’ position in the receiving society can change rather quickly. They might have a very different personal network right now, than the one they used to have three years ago.

  • Three years is not “so quickly” (we could think of Erasmus or instant communities, where the rate of change is usually higher). Anyway, I agree that it is essential to evaluate and to control length of residence: it is one of the key variables.
  • The evolution along time is usually related to local assimilation, family regrouping and densification of structures. However, together with taking these processes as evidence of change, we need to take into account that there are different patterns in individuals and in groups. For instance, in a recent study in Spain they observed three patterns: transnational, enclave, and mixed networks.
  • Part of what we know is based in cross-sectional comparisons. However, more longitudinal studies are required.

8. How can we detect “opponents”? As our research is focused on instrumental networks, how can we find out whether there is a person who could be useful for resolving the problems but the migrant would not approach him/her, as there has been a personal conflict among them?

  • The most direct way consist of formulating questions for listing negative ties or relationships.
  • Theoretically, the dynamics of balance of triads may indirectly inform of negative ties, but this is really difficult to implement.
  • Again, I recommend using qualitative interviews with personal network information to obtain complementary knowledge.

8 lecturas para iniciarse en el análisis de redes (27/05/2014)

REDESUno de los usos de la revista REDES consiste en iniciarse en el análisis de redes sociales (ARS). Desde 2002 he ido traduciendo algunos trabajos de clásicos contemporáneos y/o artículos que destacan por su valor pedagógico. Esta es una breve selección de artículos que puede servir para familiarizarse con el ARS:

  • El juego de la red de difusión. Thomas Valente. [pdf]
  • La vida social de los routers. Valdis Krebs. [pdf]
  • La estructura de las redes personales. Christopher McCarty. [pdf]
  • El problema del actor clave. Stephen P. Borgatti. [pdf]
  • El hogar en red. Tracy Kennedy, Barry Wellman. [pdf]
  • La explicación a través de la visualización. Ulrik Brandes, Patrick Kenis, Jörg Raab [pdf]
  • La dualidad y la agregación de categorías sociales. Ronald L. Breiger, John W. Mohr [pdf]

Y una más de regalo:

  • El problema del mundo pequeño. Stanley Milgram [pdf]

Buena lectura.



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